Although events are still shrouded in rumor, it is clear that Indonesia has taken two necessary and important steps towards democracy. The first, seen around the world on TV, was Suharto's long-awaited stepping down from the presidency.
Much less reported was a second and perhaps more important event: the removal of General Prabowo and some of his allies, those generals most associated with violence against the students and Chinese.
The first step, the change in the presidency, precipitated the second, the change in the Indonesian army leadership. As the son-in-law of Suharto, the ambitious General Prabowo knew that if he were to attempt a military coup, this would be his best and perhaps last opportunity.
According to many sources, Prabowo mustered his elite forces for such a move on the night of Friday May 22. However he had to stand down when most troops rallied to the leadership of the more moderate Defense Minister, General Wiranto. The details remain unclear, but there was apparently a brief standoff between opposing forces around the presidential palace.
Since then it has been publicly announced that Prabowo has been transferred to the army command school from his post as chief of KOSTRAD, the Army's strategic command. According to British sources such as the London Sunday Times, Prabowo was also placed under house arrest. This is attributed to an army investigation's conclusion that his troops were involved in the May 13 murder of four students in the non-violent demonstration at Trisakti University, and also in fomenting riots and attacks against the Chinese.
However Wiranto has downplayed the significance of Prabowo's removal, and has not yet named the soldiers who will be punished for the murders of the Trisakti students. The US press, to date, has ignored the confrontation between troops at the palace, and has confirmed only Prabowo's removal from power. On May 27, five days after Prabowo's firing, the Chicago Tribune reported that Prabowo, though no longer in his post, might still be angling to become the next Indonesian strongman.
Whatever the outcome, it can be said that for the moment the forces of moderation in the Army have gained in strength, at the expense of those who wished violence. This is particularly good news for the Chinese in Indonesia, who are the usual scapegoats in army-organized riots, designed to deflect public anger away from those in power.
Diplomatic observers have attributed this change to the persuasive power of other nations, particularly the US, Britain, and Australia. Their diplomats are said to have warned the Army that the use of violence against non-violent protesters would ruin any chances of foreign aid and an IMF bailout.
But credit must also be given to the massive non-violent demonstrations organized by the Indonesian students and their allies. The only serious political pressure on Suharto to step down grew out of these protests, especially after rage at the murder of four students led to the occupation of the parliament building.
The student protests helped to polarize the army forces, as they were more and more openly protected by Wiranto's faction against attacks by Prabowo's. Prabowo appears to have calculated that only violence and chaos would justify the kind of repressive leadership associated with Suharto and himself. The ability of the student protests to remain non-violent, despite repeated provocations, thus created a social context which justified Wiranto's moderation, and ultimately Prabowo's arrest.
As matters came to a head on May 22, the students were still occupying parliament, and demanding the resignation of Suharto's protege and hand-picked successor, Habibie. Warnings that they could expect a bloody crackdown that night appeared more credible, after bus-loads of pro-Habibie supporters turned up and began to throw objects (some observers say rocks) at them. Rightly or wrongly, this could be seen as the beginning of another Prabowo provocation.
But Wiranto's forces, also using non-violent techniques, were able to defuse the situation, with soldiers actually dancing and singing as they divided the two camps. The bloody outcome that had been predicted for that evening never happened, as instead Prabowo was removed from his post.
Indonesians have compared this victory to the 1986 triumph of "people's power" against Philippine dictator Marcos. There is however one big difference. In the Philippines army dissidents encouraged the public to protest. The sequence in Indonesia was more the other way round.
Neither the retirement of Suharto nor the purging of Prabowo address the fundamental social problems of oppression and corruption, for much of which the army is responsible. Both are however steps towards a more open society. Above all a space has been created in which all opponents of the dictatorship, emboldened by their first successes, can continue to work for social change.
RHOADES
CAR
4 Wheel Bikes That Drive Like a Car!, Street legal,Multi-speed, 1-2 & 4 seaters-FREE
LITERATURE